The crest of the immigrant wave swept
up the St. Lawrence during the year 1847 when 74,408 arrivals were
chronicled at the ports of Quebec and Montreal. It was estimated
that fully one-fourth of those who adopted this route died of ship
fever while crossing the ocean or in passing up the St. Lawrence.
The Niles’ Register (a local newspaper) had this account of the
tragic events in 1847: “The poor creatures die as they pass up the
river St. Lawrence; even such as appear healthy when they leave
Quebec, often expire on their passage. Montreal, Kingston, Toronto,
the various towns on the Bay of Quinte, and other towns with which
there is regular communication, are filled with the sick and dying.
On August 22, 1847, there were 2048 patients on Grosse Island alone.
During the preceding week 288 had died and the number of deaths in
the hospital and tents since the opening of the season totaled
2126.” The St. Lawrence was the most northerly migration trail to
the Mississippi. From Quebec an emigrant might reach Montreal in
fourteen hours at a cost of five shillings. An additional ten
shillings carried him to Kingston. Passage over Lake Ontario in a
regular mail line steamer to Toronto or Hamilton could be procured
for around twenty-two shillings. Emigrants were warned to drink
“sparingly” of the waters of the St. Lawrence, since they had a
“strong tendency to produce bowel complaints in strangers” Many
would-be settlers, however, traveled this route to reach the western
Sates. At Buffalo they helped swell the endless stream flowing
westward through the Erie Canal. “Day after day the train on the
Buffalo and Niagara Fails Railroad has come in, stretched to the
length of a monstrous serpent, and filled so full of German
emigrants, that it seems like cruelty to compel a single engine to
drag inch enormous loads in such excessively hot weather. We learn
that they choose the route, via Montreal, to evade the somewhat
onerous requirements of the port laws and regulations at New York.
From Montreal, they come up through Lake Ontario to Lewiston, thence
to the city by the railroad. When they arrive here, they encamp any
where on the street side, where they can find empty buildings, which
they occupy during a few days detention; but their stay is generally
short, as they seem to have made up their minds whither they were
going before they left home.”
Michael Gassmann may have been a part of this migration since he
ended up living near Buffalo and records do not show that he arrived
through the Port of New York. It seems likely that Mary came with
him but it cannot be determined for certain.
~ MICHAEL & MARY GASSMANN ~
Born in France in either 1825 or 1827, Michael emigrated to the U.S.
on Oct. 1, 1847. He married Mary Threne on Nov. 1, 1848 and settled
in Erie County, N.Y. (just south of Buffalo) Mary was born in
Homberg, Germany on Dec. 3, 1820. The couple had four children while
living in N. Y. and in 1854 they moved to Iowa where their last
child was born. Michel purchased forty acres from William Hempstead
of Jo Davies County, Ill. in 1855. The land was located a few miles
northwest of Dubuque between Balltown and Sherrill’s Mound. State
records show that for the year ending June 1, 1860 Michael had the
following: 30 acres of improved land with 8 unimproved; cash value
of the farm was $600 with $100 worth of machinery and equipment;
1horse, 4 milk cows, 2 oxen, 3 swine and 1 other cattle worth a
total of $200; he had 45 bushel of wheat, 200 bushel of Indian corn,
50 bushel of oats, 2 bushel of buckwheat and 18 bushel of barley; he
also had 150 lbs of potatoes, 140 lbs of butter and 14 tons of hay.
He slaughtered $62 worth of animals.
In August 1863, Michael enlisted in the 8th Iowa Volunteer Cavalry.
He said he was 38 years old at the time and his children’s ages
were: Elizabeth 15, Helena 13, Michael 12, Rachel 10, and Peter was
6. When Michael signed up, he received a $25 bounty, $2 for signing,
and a $13 advance on his first month’s pay. He is listed as being
5’8 1/2” in height with grey eyes and dark hair. The 8th Iowa was
raised by Col. J. B. Dorr who also had moved to Dubuque from Erie,
N. Y. Before the war Dorr had been publisher of the Dubuque Herald.
It is not known why Michael decided to enlist. Some family members
believe he was hired as a replacement for a draftee, but no
documents have been found to substantiate this. It is possible that
he believed, as did most Northerners, that the war would be over
soon with the recent Union victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg.
The signing bonus must have looked especially tempting if he thought
that he would only be gone a few months. But one cannot overlook the
most obvious reason: patriotism! Michael was also a member of the
Militia in the years leading to his enlistment, as were most men at
that time.
Here is a short history of the 8th Iowa Cavalry and while Michael is
not mentioned by name (very few privates ever were) three of the
officers in his company are commended for their actions and it can
be assumed that Michael took part in it:
Iowa and the Rebellion Lurton Denham Ingersoll Philadelphia,
Lippincott, 1866.
~ EIGHTH CAVALRY. ~
Early in 1863, Lieutenant Joseph B. Dorr, Quartermaster of the
fighting Twelfth Iowa Infantry, received authority from Edwin M.
Stanton, Secretary of War, to recruit and organize a regiment of
horse in our State. At this time, the Seventh Cavalry was being
recruited, but enlistments for that command not proceeding rapidly,
Colonel Dorr did not commence operations till the latter part of
June. This officer had been a noted democratic editor and politician
of the State, and stood well with all parties as a man of fine
abilities and of upright character. He it was to whom Stephen A.
Douglas, in the political campaign of 1860, wrote his famous “Dorr
Letter." He had great energy. Troops flocked rapidly to his
standard, and in a very short time after he made the announcement of
his authority to raise a regiment, two thousand men were enlisted
for the Eighth Cavalry, some three hundred were rejected, more than
four hundred and fifty turned over to the Ninth Cavalry, and about
seventy-five to the Fourth Battery.
The troops composing Colonel Dorr's command were from all parts of
the State. The regiment, twelve hundred and thirty-four strong, was
mustered into the service on the last day of September, 1863, at
Davenport.
The principal field and staff, and many of the line officers having
served before, Colonel Dorr was soon ready to take the field with
one of the best regiments that Iowa sent forth against the enemies
of the country. The 14th of October, before the equipment of the
regiment had been completed, Colonel Dorr received orders to report
at Chattanooga, Tennessee. Three days afterwards his command was on
the way. Moving by rail, through Illinois and Indiana, the regiment
arrived at Louisville and went into camp on the 22d.
Early in November the march for Nashville began, which was completed
on the 16th. Here Colonel Dorr received orders to report to General
Gillem, commanding troops on the Nashville and Northwestern
Railroad.
During the winter of 1863-4, Colonel Dorr and his command performed
most valuable services, but without engaging in any battle. The
headquarters of the regiment were at Waverly, a town near the
Tennessee, nearly one hundred miles west of Nashville. There was one
battalion of the regiment at Waverly; another was about half way
between there and Nashville, whilst the other was about thirty miles
west of Nashville. Besides the duty of guarding this long line of
communications, Colonel Dorr had other important duties to perform.
The citizens of the region were generally traitors, so that the
Colonel had a difficult civil administration, so to say, on his
hands. He inaugurated the policy of placing rebels under bonds to
keep the peace and support the Union. During his stay at Waverly he
had property of disaffected persons to the value of nearly one
million dollars pledged for their good behavior. It worked
admirably. Colonel Dorr's experience proved that the honor of the
chivalry was of very little value in comparison of their money. They
would violate solemn oaths with the utmost nonchalance, but when
their bad conduct would bring about a loss of money, the case was
entirely different. They put themselves on their good behavior at
once. But in addition to Colonel Dorr's civil administration, he had
enough to occupy the entire attention of an ordinary man with his
military command. He had charge of a considerable extent of country,
embracing some eight counties, which were infested by small bands of
rebel troops, thoroughly acquainted with the roads and by-paths of
this wild region, well adapted to the operations of guerrilla-men.
Nevertheless, Colonel Dorr captured during the winter nearly five
hundred of these robbers, and his energetic troopers, scouring every
part of the country, drove off or brought to headquarters all
enemies found with arms in their hands, including Colonel Hawkins
himself, the most noted bushwhacker of these parts, who was
captured. The people of Tennessee can never forget that Colonel Dorr
in three months brought a large portion of their State out of a
condition of anarchy and bloodshed to good government and peace.
The 13th of March, 1864, Colonel Dorr left Waverly, and taking up
the detachments on the way, arrived at Nashville on the 17th. Here
the command remained a fortnight, refitting for active operations in
the field. The 1st of April it took up line of march for
Chattanooga, but not halting long there, continued the march to
Cleveland, some twentyfive miles further east, arriving on the 13th.
The regiment was assigned to the First Brigade, Colonel Dorr
commanding, of Brigadier-General E. M. McCook's First Cavalry
Division, and remained quietly in camp at Cleveland till the
Campaign of Atlanta opened, on the 3d of May, so far as the troopers
with which we now have to do are concerned, and of whom
Lieutenant-Colonel Barner had command.
On this campaign, the Eighth Iowa Cavalry began skirmishing with the
enemy on the 7th, and from that time until the 30th of July, when
Colonel Dorr and nearly all his officers and men fit for duty were
captured at the disastrous Battle of Newnan, was engaged almost
daily with the enemy either in skirmish or in battle. The command
had a sharp skirmish on the 9th, in which Corporals Pease and Sharp
of Company E particularly distinguished themselves. Having meanwhile
been several times engaged, the regiment made a dashing charge w the
enemy's flank, near Cassville, the 19th, when a considerable
engagement took place.
Major Root, Captain Hoxie, and Lieutenant McCarron (Company G)
received the special commendations of Colonel Dorr, for their
gallant conduct. The command skirmished its way over the Etowah, and
on the 24th met the enemy at Burnt Hickory, where Captain M. M.
Walden routed a superior force by a daring charge. There was also a
sharp skirmish the next day, in which Captain Hoxie was wounded. It
was here that Lieutenant C. F. Anderson, commanding Company L,
audaciously led his men right into the jaws of a rebel battery, and
as audaciously held his position till ordered to retire. After this,
the regiment held a line one half mile in length till June 1st,
skirmishing daily with the enemy. Its services were similar for
nearly a fortnight after the army moved back to the line of the
railroad. When the enemy gave up to Sherman all the country north of
the Chattahoochee, the Union army had a short respite from its
severe labors. But the Eighth Iowa Cavalry, holding a ford above the
railway crossing, continued to have considerable skirmishing, and it
was the first cavalry command whose troops crossed to the south bank
of the river.
On the 22d of July, on which day the most severe engagement of the
campaign was fought before the walls of Atlanta, Colonel Dorr
returned to the command of his regiment, now greatly reduced by the
wear and tear of nearly three months' hard service and the
casualties of battle. Colonel Croxton took command of the brigade.
The next day the rebel Armstrong attacked the camp, but was soon
repulsed. A similar attack, two or three days afterwards, was also
easily repulsed.
The 27th, General McCook started on that raid which, at first
promising fine success, turned out in the end to be most disastrous.
Colonel Dorr joined this expedition, his force consisting of less
than three hundred enlisted men and twenty-four officers, being all
that could be mounted, and considerably less than one-third the
force of the regiment when it started on the campaign less than
ninety days before. McCook, having reached the railroad near
Lovejoy, and effected some destruction thereof on the 29th, began a
retrograde movement toward the Chattahoochee. He was intercepted by
the enemy and a severe engagement ensued, in which the Eighth Iowa
Cavalry bore a most conspicuous part, losing between twenty and
thirty, killed and wounded. Among the killed were Lieutenant James
Horton, Company K, acting adjutant, and Lieutenant Joseph E. Cobb,
Company G. "Both were as gallant young officers," says Colonel Dorr,
"as ever drew saber. Both fell at the head of the column, and if to
die for one's country is glorious, theirs was a glorious death, for
they met it boldly and unflinchingly in the very shock of battle.
William Christy, sergeant-major, fell terribly wounded in four
places, but, too brave to yield, courageously made his way to the
rear without assistance." Colonel Dorr was himself wounded.
The next day, the battle of Newnan took place. About noon, the head
of the column, upon entering Newnan, unexpectedly came upon Roddy's
dismounted cavalry on their way to Atlanta. Wheeler's force soon
coming up, the enemy barred our progress with a largely superior
army. Croxton's Brigade, however, charged, and the Eighth Cavalry,
one portion under Major Root, and another portion under Major Isett,
forced the enemy to give way in confusion. General Hume, commanding
a brigade, was captured by Lieutenant George M. Detwiler, of Company
M, and the road was cleared, but the rest of the division not coming
up, the rebels had time to rally, and again blockaded the passage.
The fight continued for some time, being sustained by the first
brigade alone, which was now commanded by Colonel Dorr, Croxton
being missing, and which brigade had been reduced to little more
than the maximum number of a company. And so the little band fought
on, making itself a shield to protect the rest of our forces, the
most of whom were thereby enabled to extricate themselves from the
perilous position. They made their way back to the army, but Colonel
Dorr and his regiment fell into the hands of the enemy.
"In this engagement," said he, in his report made months afterwards,
"which was of the severest character, the men and officers of the
Eighth behaved with a gallantry and steadiness which drew from
General McCook a public compliment on the battlefield. As on the day
before, there were but few exceptions to this, while there were many
instances of great gallantry displayed. Major John H. Isett, Captain
P. C. Morhiser (Company G), Captain (now Major) Shurtz, who was
desperately wounded, Captain James W. Moore, captain E. B. Doane,
Lieutenants Henry Moreland, W. F. McCarron, C. F. Anderson, Jackson
Morrow, W. T. Ogle, G. M. Detwiler, Jacob T. Haight (wounded) and
John B. Loomis (killed) are fairly entitled to 'mention for coolness
and good conduct under very trying circumstances.
Lieutenants H. H. Belfield, adjutant, Cornelius Bennett,
quartermaster, and J. E. Pritchard, commissary, deserve special
mention for their activity and zeal in assisting the regimental
commander, and for bravery under fire. Many instances of great
gallantry on the part of the enlisted men came under my notice, but
so long a period of time elapsed before I had the opportunity to
prepare this paper that many of them have escaped my memory ….
Of the three hundred and sixteen officers and men of the regiment
who started on the McCook raid, but twenty returned to the Union
lines
Michael was among those who were captured and sent to Andersonvile
Prison. Many books have been written about the conditions at that
“infamous” prison and the effects it had on the men who were held
captive there. When I researched the records at Andersonville,
Michael’s name was not listed as being held prisoner there. I
provided them with a copy of the letter written by Sgt. Washington
Tharp that stated: “..that I was a sergeant in Company G, 8th Iowa
Cavalry; that I was well acquainted with Michael Gassmann of the
same company and Regiment; that we were both captured on the
thirtieth day of July 1864 about 30 miles southeast of Atlanta and
taken from there to Andersonville Georgia; that whilst at
Andersonville said Gassmann contracted the chronic diarrhea and was
very low all the time whilst in that prison…from Andersonville we
were both removed to Florence, South Carolina. Gassmann was hardly
able whilst at this…place to get around”. Michael’s name has now
been added to the National Park Service records at Andersonville.
Sherman’s march to the sea compelled the Confederates to move many
prisoners east ahead of the advancing Union army. By February of
1865, due to the poor sanitary conditions and inadequate prison
food, Michael was suffering from chronic diarrhea and was apparently
near death. Sgt. Tharp described Michael’s condition: “ .... about
this 20th of February A.D., 1865 we were taken to Wilmington (NC) to
be exchanged, as our forces were attacking the city we were sent to
Goldsborough (NC).
Gassmann was still with us but not
able to help himself and could scarcely eat anything. The 3rd of
March, 1865 we were paroled and sent back to Wilmington for a final
exchange; Gassmann was lain by my side where he remained for about
two days. I was sick at the time. I crawled to him and spread his
bread, and tried to get him to eat or drink but he was too weak.
Whilst I was asleep he was moved and
upon my making inquiry the next morning the nurses told me he was
removed to another hospital. I have no doubt but what Gassmann died
that night. I never saw him afterwards and never heard from him
since he was carried from the hall” Michael did not return home and
Mary was convinced that he died, however the Government had no
record of his death or final resting place.
~ Michael’s Grave ~
When I began my search to find Michael’s grave, I found many
conflicting and confusing statements concerning his death. His
wife’s statement on Sept. 1, 1865 that he died at “sea on board the
Steamer Elnora while being transferred from Charleston… SC to
Annapolis, MD as a prisoner to be exchanged on the 25th day of May,
1865” seemed so specific in detail that one would think it had to
have some basis in fact. However the part about being a prisoner to
be exchanged made no sense since the war had been over for several
weeks and the prisoner exchange had been completed for months. Then
a month later on Oc.3, 1865 Mary petitioned Judge Stephen Hempstead
to have her appointed Administrix of Michael’s estate. In it she
states that Michael “died about April 1865” so she apparently had
some new or different information. It is likely that her original
statement may have come from misidentification, speculation or rumor
from one of the returning members of Michael’s regiment. Since Lt.
Wallace witnessed her signature on the affidavit, it is possible he
was the source of the information about Michael. However he had not
been a prisoner and therefore could not have had firsthand knowledge
of Michael’s fate. He may have heard rumors or reports and may have
mixed up some of the stories he heard including these two: The
Official Records show that a Pvt. Wescott of the 8th Iowa Cav. died
“on a hospital boat near Annapolis” on Feb. 13, 1865. These Records
do not report on the fate of John Kenney who was a member of
Michael’s Company and was also from Dubuque County. But according to
Capt. Morhiser, Kenney died in transit from Charleston to Annapolis
on Dec. 22, 1864. The government has no record of his death or
burial place. Obviously Michael was not the only one to fall through
the cracks. There were approximately 195 soldiers captured with
Michael on July 30th and 30 were listed as missing. Later at least
52 of them were paroled at Annapolis in Dec of ’64 or Jan or ’65.
Five of these died and were buried at Annapolis. So, it is easy to
see how the confusion of war, the release of prisoners and the
treatment of the sick could result in false reports, mixed up
stories and rumors. Sgt. Tharp’s statement that he was with Michael
and believed he died the first week in March would seem the most
likely scenario for Michael’s fate. Michael’s POW record shows that
he was paroled at NE Ferry on March 5, 1865 and this places him at
Wilmington when Tharp says he was there. The nurse’s comments to
Tharp that Michael was moved to another hospital are not convincing.
All the hospitals were set up in public buildings with few doctors
available and it is doubtful that care would be any better in any
other one of them so what would be accomplished by moving him? NE
Ferry was on the Cape Fear River just outside Wilmington, NC. Union
troops occupied the city on Feb. 22, 1865 and within ten days
received almost 10,000 released prisoners-of -war. Many citizens and
organizations tried to provide some relief for the former prisoners
and Union doctors tried to attend to the sick. According to the
Wilmington Herald forty-six released captives died in the first week
of March. There were fifteen temporary hospitals set up to minister
to the estimated 2500 invalid former prisoners. Perhaps up to
several hundred of them, many of their names unknown died in the
next month. I believe that Michael was one of them. I corresponded
with several researchers in Wilmington and while they were very
willing and helpful, they could not find Michael’s grave anywhere in
the Union cemetery. They said that most of the graves were marked
“Unknown” and that while some of the graves may have originally been
marked with wooden crosses they disintegrated soon after. Another
government document stated that their records indicate, “that
further investigation fails to elicit any information” on Michael.
It became apparent that the military had no idea what happened to
him or where he was buried. This made it very difficult for his wife
to obtain a Widow’s Pension. (It also hampered my efforts to
get a memorial marker for Michael.)
~ Mary’s Pension ~
It took Mary almost four years after Michael’s death to get her
widow’s pension. She made some errors in her original application
that undoubtedly caused a red flag. The Government was swamped by
applications, many of them fraudulent, and they made it as difficult
as possible for the survivors. You had to use a lawyer who
specialized in these types of claims and some were more aggressive
than others. The main problem that Mary had in filing her claim was
that the Union Army had no idea what happened to her husband and did
not know if he was dead or alive. This made things extremely
difficult. Since we only have a copy of Mary’s correspondence and
not the responses to them, it takes a little interpretation to
figure out what exactly is going on. I decided to put together a
summary since the papers are often times hard to read and you have
to keep going back to see what she was responding to. I also made
notes of items that seem to be questionable to the government.
~ Summary of Mary's Pension Claim ~
Sept. l, 1865
Mary filed a Widow’s Claim for Pension
as provided by the act of Congress approved July 14, 1862. She
stated that her name before her marriage was Mary Threne and that
she and Michael were married on Nov. 1, 1848 in Collins, Erie Co.
N.Y. by Rev. Biel, a Lutheran Minister of the Gospel. She stated
that Michael “died at sea on board Steamer Elnora while being
transferred from Charleston, S.C. to Annapolis, M.D. as prisoner to
be exchanged on the 25th day of May 1865.” She also stated “that he
was taken a prisoner of war at the battle of Newnan, Ga. July
30th,1864 and was put on board of said vessel as a paroled prisoner
that was to be exchanged at Annapolis, Md. and died on said 25th day
of May 1865 of chronic diarrhea” (Note: It cannot be determined
where she got this information but the first red flag was raised –
the war had been over for several weeks by May 25th, so he certainly
would not have still been a prisoner and likewise did not need to be
“exchanged”) Lieutenant Wallace of Co. 'G' signed her claim, so he
may have provided her with this information. Wallace was from
Dubuque and a Sergeant, then Lieutenant, in Co. G. Peter Holz also
witnessed her Application. Also, she lists her daughter Helena as
born on Oct. 21, 1850 (instead of 1849). Michael born on 12 April,
1851; Rachael born 17 Dec. 1853; Peter born on 1 March 1857. (Red
flag #2: this would make Helena only 6 months older than Michael
Jr.) Widows received $2 additional pay for all children under the
age of 16.
Oct. 2, 1865
Michael Sukor, age 48, from the town
of Collins, Eire Co. N. Y. swears he was well acquainted with
Michael and Mary Threne and that he was present at Michael and
Mary's marriage. His testimony was sworn in the Erie County Clerk’s
Office. Margaret Sukor, age 40, wife of Michael Sukor, also
testified to being present at the wedding.
Oct. 3, 1865
Mary filed a petition with
Stephen Hempstead’s court to be appointed Administrator of Michael’s
estate. The next day her notice was published in the Dubuque
Democratic Herald as required. (The documents at the
courthouse are very faint and difficult to read.)
Nov.14, 1865
The Commissioner of the Pension office
refers claim to Adjutant Gen. for official evidence of service and
death. (Includes Mary’s version that Michael died at sea May 25,
1865).
Nov. 25, 1865
Commissioner of Pensions, Wash. D.C.
stated that on the Muster Out Roll dated 13 Aug. 1865 Michael is
reported “Missing in Action since July 30th 1864” and that “there is
no evidence of death on file”.
Feb. 22, 1866
Iowa Adjutant General (Baker) from his
office in Clinton states that there is "no evidence of his death on
file in this office" .
Aug.21, 1866
Mary withdraws her claim from C. J.
Rogers, her former Attorney and places it in the hands of Samuel
Burns and Co.
Feb.7,1867
Mary states “that she has made all
diligent inquiry relative to the death of her deceased husband and
the circumstances attending it and can not give any further evidence
to prove his death, only what has already been forwarded to the
Dept. of the Pension Office.” Mary forwards claim from District
Court to Pension Office.
March 10, 1867
Mary's two daughter's testify that
they were present at the birth's of the three youngest children (as
well as Helena’s???) “We, Mrs. E. Wilke (Elizabeth) and Mrs. H.
Brimeyer (Helena) being duly sworn, deposed, and say, we are
residents of Sherrills Mound Dubuque Co. Iowa and acquainted with
Mary Gassmann, widow of Michael Gassmann, deceased private of Co. G,
8th Iowa Cavalry Vols. And lived near said Mary Gassmann for the
last twenty years and upwards. That they were present at the births
of the following children born to Mary and Michael Gassmann
aforesaid and at the time hereafter stated. “That Helena Gassmann
was born on the 21st day of October 1849 at Collins, Erie Co. NY
(why her name was included is hard to fathom since she was not
eligible for any money; perhaps it was merely to correct Mary’s
original application) Michael Gassmann was born on the 12th day of
April 1851, at Collins, Rachael Gassmann was born on the 17th day of
Dec. 1852 at Collins and Peter Gassmann was born at Sherrills Mound
Dubuque Co. on the 1st day of March 1857. That we were present and
eye witnesses of said births. We make these statements from personal
knowledge and we are not interested in the prosecution of claim of
Mary Gassmann for pension.”
Feb. 11, 1868
Somehow, Mary or her attorney found
Washington Tharp who was living in Shell Rock in Butler County,
about 100 miles NW of Dubuque and he provided the information (noted
above) about Michael’s last days. She was now on the right track and
only needed a good attorney to pursue her pension claim.
Dec. 18,1868
Mary appeared before a Notary Public
and swore that her prior application for a widow’s pension was made
through Samuel Boens and Co. (Claim Agents in Dubuque) and that
since the application was made, Samuel Boens (the chief man of the
agency) has died and the company has left town. She states “that now
no person remains to prosecute my claim” She also says “that my
necessities are pressing in the extreme having four small children
to support, which makes it necessary that my claim should be
speedily prosecuted to final settlement”. Mary then revoked power of
attorney from Samuel Boens (or Burns) and appointed R. E. Bishop of
Dubuque as her attorney. The above was attested to by John H. Reitt
and John Meyer.
Feb. 16,1869
Mary appoints William Relsnick of
Washington D.C. to replace R. E. Bishop, who “resigns in favor of
Mr. Relsnick”. She authorized her new attorney “to file additional
evidence or arguments and to examine the case now on file and to
receive the certificate that may be granted on the same and to do
any and all lawful acts necessary to accomplish the object of his
said appointment. The document was witnessed by Mr. Stillemunkes and
John Knabukler(?). It would seem that Mr. Bishop recommended that
Mary use a DC attorney who could present her claim and argue her
case in person. This would be the best advice Mary received in
several years.
Feb. 26, 1869
Again, the Adjutant General's Office
in Washington, DC states that Michael was reported Missing in Action
since July 30, 1864 and that they have no further information.
March 8, 1869
Mary files a supplemental affidavit
stating that she is age 49 years and that she is the widow of
Michael Gassmann. “And she makes this supplemental affidavit to
secure the increase of pension under the act Congress passed or
approved July 25, 1866.” (This provided an additional $2 per month
for each child under the age of 16) Then Mary corrects her original
error on the children’s birth dates: “And she further states that
she has 3 (and only 3) children of her said deceased husband and
herself who were under the age of 16 on July 25, 1866 and who are
now living. That the following are the names, date of birth, and
present place of residence of said children, to wit: Michael
Gassmann, born April 12, 1851, at Collins, Erie Co. N. Y. and now
resides with her at Sherrills Mound. Rachael Gassmann, born December
17, 1852 at Collins, Erie Co. N. Y. and now resides with her at
Sherrills Mound and Peter Gassmann, born on the 1st of March 1857 at
Sherrills Mound and now resides with her at Sherrills Mound. “She
further states that no record evidence of the names or dates of
births of said children can be had, for the reason that no record of
the names and dates of birth of said children were ever made – and
she offers the evidence of eye witnesses. “And she further states
that her said husband left no minor children by a former marriage. “
She further swears that she has not married since the death of her
husband, nor abandoned the support of any of their children under
sixteen years of age, nor permitted any one for whom increase is
claimed to be adopted by any person or persons, and that they are
the only legitimate children of herself and her deceased husband now
living, who are under sixteen years of age on the 25th of July 1866”
The affidavit was witnessed by Franz Stillmunkes (?) and John
Knabulker (?)
May 8, 1869
Finally!! Mary gets her pension -$8/mo
commencing 5 March 1865 (the date the Gov’t. accepted as Michael’s
date of death) and an additional $2 per month (back-pay) from July
25,1866 for Michael (Jr) until 11 April 1867; Rachel until 16 Dec.
1869; and Peter until 28 Feb 1867. There is a notation on the sheet
“Evidence of death sent to Second Auditor as per Ngn (?)” dated June
7/69, but it does not explain what that evidence was. Unfortunately,
there is no way of knowing how much all the attorney’s fees cost
her.
Mary continued to live on the farm with her son Michael and his
family until 1881 when she kind of disappears from the records for
the last 15 years of her life. She died on Oct. 7, 1897 and was
buried in the “German Pilgrim Congregation Church Cemetery” in
Sherrill.
~ Children of
Michael and Mary Gassmann ~
1) Elizabeth b. July 22, 1848 d. Feb. 8, 1938 m. Jacob Meyer on
Sept. 15, 1864. He enlisted in the 13th Iowa Infantry on Oct. 6,
1864 and died of pneumonia at Newburn, N. C. on Feb. 28, 1865. She
then married at 18 to Henry Wilke on July 3, 1866. He was born in
1827 and died on Nov. 7, 1901.
Their children were:
1) Henry Wilke b. June 11, 1868 (tombstone) died Jan. 11,
1954 (tombstone)
2) Mary (Wilke) Van
Wie born Feb. 22, 1869 died 1948;
3) Michael Wilke
born Aug. 14, 1870 died Jan. 11, 1954 married Ida ?
4) Rachael Wilke
born Nov 12, 1872 died same year
5) F. L. Wilke born
1874 died same year Louis Wilke born Apri14, 1876 died Sept. 1967
married Mary ?
6) Christine Wilke
born Oct. 14,1878 died Dec.12, 1964 m Peter Witter
7) Emma Wilke born
May 27,1888 died July 1964; Married George Hammerand born 1870 died
1938 (tombstone)
8) Lena Wilke born
July 22, 1885 died Nov. 9, 1958; Married Hiram Albrecht born July 5,
1881 died April 23, 1958;
9) Helena b. Oct. 21, 1849 d. Oct. 7, 1930 m. Mathias
Brimeyer
Children: Mrs. Joseph Spielbauer, Mrs. Barbara Marsch, Peter,
Nicolas, John, Mrs. Peter Klein, Mrs. Frank Bleile
2) Michael b. Apr. 12, 1851; d. 1918; m. Feb. 29, 1876
Catherine Jochum (at Sherrill)
Children: Lena, Frank, Peter, Katie, John, Matt, Clotilda,
Bernadetta, Lizzie, Margaret
3) Fredericka (Rachael) b. Dec. 17, 1852; d. Jan. 3, 1931; m.
Frederick Witter 1875
Children:
1) Clara
(1876-1948) married Henry Grimme on 3-9-1903;
2) Rachael (Ida) b.
1877 d. 8-19-1956 married Carl Strohm;
3) Sophia
(1879-1946) married Fred Jecklin on 8-11-1910;
4) Robert
b.10-29-1880, d.1960 married Mary Harvey on 2-12-1903;
5) Molly
(1883-10-1943) married Joseph Powers;
6) Martha b.
12-19-1884 d.7-7-1940 married Louis Datisman;
7) Cristina b.
1-27-? D. 2-24-1964 married Werner Grimmie;
8) Hulda b. 8-1889
d. 2-11-1971 married George Datisman on 3-4-1912
4) Peter b. Mar. 1, 1857; d. Apr. 24, 1922 m. Margaret Jochum b.
July 14, 1862; d. June 12, 1942 They farmed at Gordon’s Ferry until
Peter died then Margaret moved to Dubuque and lived at 656 Lowell
St.
Children: Michael, Fred, Raymond, Jacob, Joseph, Mrs. Harry Earle,
Mrs. M. Kersch and Mrs. Roy Pape. |